An influx of a neo-authoritarianism threatens to destabilize world economies and uproot political institutions. Time for politics to make a comeback.
RODRIGO Duterte assumed the 16th Presidency of the Philippines on Thursday, running on a brutish platform which promised a “major rewriting of our constitution.” Mr. Duterte has called the Pope “the son of a whore,” crudely joked of his consternation for not participating in a gang rape, and, more worryingly, threatened to suspend democratic rules if his efforts to “kill 100,000 criminals” without trial were impeded. The self-admitted Viagra enthusiast won a strong 40% of the electorate, about six million more votes than his nearest competitor.
In Britain, Nigel Farage and Boris Johnson fecklessly carried the Leave campaign to a narrow victory in the Brexit referendum. The sterling fell to a 31-year-low and global stock markets reacted violently, and while this is not necessarily a harbinger of economic disaster, gloomy predictions for the British and world economies seem ever more likely. Immediately after their victory, Mr. Farage doubled back on his promises to give the £350 million Britain sends weekly to the EU—a misleading figure that excludes substantial rebates—to the National Health Service. A British political crisis is imminent; David Cameron’s aggrieved resignation and Jeremy Corbyn’s loss in an internal Labour party vote of confidence has left the country lacking a clear leader or direction.
Donald Trump in America, Marine Le Pen in France, the tremors of Hogar Social Madrid in Spain, a far-right political party, and the near-victory of the anti-immigrant Freedom Party in Austria (to name a few) all point to the same trend: the resurgence of a dangerous branch of rightist politics. Such politicians, emboldened by globalization, hold fascist sympathies and threaten to upend the current politico-economic order, a quality which is often considered an asset by a particular sect of disillusioned voters. This form of “neo-authoritarianism” had previously been suppressed, marginalized to the fringes in a world which still lived in the shadow of the Cold War.
Across the political spectrum, systemic dysfunction is, with varying degrees of accuracy, decried as the cause of much acrimony. However true, this does not justify the reckless abandon with which many have argued. No system is ever perfect—or even anywhere near perfect. To put it plainly, politics may be, at least in part, the problem, but it must also be the solution. David Brooks, addressing the threat posed by Mr. Trump, wrote in a New York Times op-ed, “The answer to Trump is politics. It’s acknowledging other people exist. It’s taking pleasure in [our] difference[s] and hammering out workable arrangements.” As politicians, pundits, and people alike talk over instead of with each other, Mr. Brooks’ words ring true—the international body politic must regain its way.
Germany shows the way. The dark legacy of Nazism has abounding effects on German politics; far-right groups struggle to gain traction in a populace thoroughly educated in the dangers of fascism. Politicians and people are unified against nationalist parties such as the National Democratic Party of Germany. While flaws exist, Germany shows that it is indeed possible to suppress dangerous ideologies with education and vigilance. And vigilant the world must be.
